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'''Neoconservatism''' is the political philosophy that emerged in the United States from the rejection of [[Social liberalism|social liberalism]] and the [[New Left]] [[counter-culture]] of the 1960s. It influenced the [[Ronald Reagan]], [[George H. W. Bush]], and the [[George W. Bush]] presidential administrations, representing a re-alignment in American politics, and the defection of "an important and highly articulate group of liberals to the other side." [[E.J. Dionne]], (1991) ''Why Americans Hate Politics'', New York, New York: Simon & Schuster Inc. p. 56. ISBN 0-671-68255-5 One accomplishment was "to make criticism from the Right acceptable in the intellectual, artistic, and journalistic circles where conservatives had long been regarded with suspicion."

'''Neoconservatism''' is the political philosophy that emerged in the United States from the rejection of [[Social liberalism|social liberalism]] and the [[New Left]] [[counter-culture]] of the 1960s. It influenced the [[Ronald Reagan]], [[George H. W. Bush]], and the [[George W. Bush]] presidential administrations, representing a re-alignment in American politics, and the defection of "an important and highly articulate group of liberals to the other side."<ref name="Dionne_56">[[E.J. Dionne]], (1991) ''Why Americans Hate Politics'', New York, New York: Simon & Schuster Inc. p. 56. ISBN 0-671-68255-5</ref> One accomplishment was "to make criticism from the Right acceptable in the intellectual, artistic, and journalistic circles where conservatives had long been regarded with suspicion."<ref name="Dionne_56"/>

As a term, ''neoconservative'' first was used derisively by [[democratic socialism|democratic socialist]] [[Michael Harrington]] to identify a group of people (who described themselves as liberals) as newly stimulated conservative ex-liberals. The idea that liberalism "no longer knew what it was talking about" is neoconservatism's central theme.<ref>[[E.J. Dionne]], (1991) ''Why Americans Hate Politics'', New York, New York: Simon & Schuster Inc. p. 61. ISBN 0-671-68255-5</ref>

As a term, ''neoconservative'' first was used derisively by [[democratic socialism|democratic socialist]] [[Michael Harrington]] to identify a group of people (who described themselves as liberals) as newly stimulated conservative ex-liberals. The idea that liberalism "no longer knew what it was talking about" is neoconservatism's central theme. [[E.J. Dionne]], (1991) ''Why Americans Hate Politics'', New York, New York: Simon & Schuster Inc. p. 61. ISBN 0-671-68255-5  

The development of this conservatism is based on the work and thought of [[Irving Kristol]], co-founder of ''[[Encounter (magazine)|Encounter]]'' magazine, and of its editor (1953–58),<ref>{{cite book|first=Irving|last=Kristol|authorlink=Irving Kristol|title=Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea|publisher=Ivan R. Dee|date=1999|isbn=1-56663-228-5|pages=''passim.''}}</ref> [[Norman Podhoretz]],<ref name="Gerson_PR">Mark Gerson, [http://www.hoover.org/publications/policyreview/3564402.html "Norman's Conquest,"] ''Policy Review'', Fall 1995. Accessed June 14, 2007. {{blockquote|Neoconservatives differed with traditional conservatives on a number of issues, of which the three most important, in my view, were the [[New Deal]], [[civil rights]], and the nature of the [[Communist]] threat [...] On civil rights, all neocons were enthusiastic supporters of [[Martin Luther King]], Jr. and the [[Civil Rights Acts]] of 1964 and 1965, while the ''[[National Review]]'' was suspicious of King and opposed to federal legislation forbidding racial discrimination.}}</ref>  and others who described themselves as "neoconservatives" during the [[Cold War]].

The development of this conservatism is based on the work and thought of [[Irving Kristol]], co-founder of ''[[Encounter (magazine)|Encounter]]'' magazine, and of its editor (1953–58),<ref>{{cite book|first=Irving|last=Kristol|authorlink=Irving Kristol|title=Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea|publisher=Ivan R. Dee|date=1999|isbn=1-56663-228-5|pages=''passim.''}} [[Norman Podhoretz]], Mark Gerson, [http://www.hoover.org/publications/policyreview/3564402.html] "Norman's Conquest,"] ''Policy Review'', Fall 1995. Accessed June 14, 2007. {{blockquote|Neoconservatives differed with traditional conservatives on a number of issues, of which the three most important, in my view, were the [[New Deal]], [[civil rights]], and the nature of the [[Communist]] threat [...] On civil rights, all neocons were enthusiastic supporters of [[Martin Luther King]], Jr. and the [[Civil Rights Acts]] of 1964 and 1965, while the ''[[National Review]]'' was suspicious of King and opposed to federal legislation forbidding racial discrimination.}}</ref>  and others who described themselves as "neoconservatives" during the [[Cold War]].

Prominent neoconservatives are associated with periodicals such as ''[[Commentary (magazine)|Commentary]]'' and ''[[The Weekly Standard]]'', and with foreign policy initiatives of [[think tank]]s such as the [[American Enterprise Institute]] (AEI), the [[Project for the New American Century]] (PNAC), and the [[Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs]] (JINSA).

Prominent neoconservatives are associated with periodicals such as ''[[Commentary (magazine)|Commentary]]'' and ''[[The Weekly Standard]]'', and with foreign policy initiatives of [[think tank]]s such as the [[American Enterprise Institute]] (AEI), the [[Project for the New American Century]] (PNAC), and the [[Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs]] (JINSA).

Neoconservatives are often dubbed '''neocons''' by critics. <ref name=Goldberg>See discussion of this matter at some length in {{cite journal|author=Jonah Goldberg|url=http://www.nationalreview.com/goldberg/goldberg052003.asp|title=The Neoconservative Invention|journal=National Review Online|date=May 20, 2003|accessdate=2006-12-25}}</ref><ref name=Kinsley1>{{cite news|last=Kinsley|first=Michael|authorlink=Michael Kinsley|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A57779-2005Apr15.html|title=The Neocons' Unabashed Reversal|publisher=Washington Post|date=April 17, 2005|page=B07|accessdate=2006-12-25}}{{blockquote|When people say that the selection of [[Paul Wolfowitz]] [...] marks the triumph of neocons [...] they are generally not indicating pleasure. Cynics say they are indicating [[anti-Semitism]]: A neocon is a Jewish intellectual you disagree with.}}</ref>

Neoconservatives are often dubbed '''neocons''' by critics. <ref name=Goldberg>See discussion of this matter at some length in Jonah Goldberg [http://www.nationalreview.com/goldberg/goldberg052003.asp] National Review Online Michael Kinsley [http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A57779-2005Apr15.html] The Neocons' Unabashed Reversal{{blockquote|When people say that the selection of [[Paul Wolfowitz]] [...] marks the triumph of neocons [...] they are generally not indicating pleasure. Cynics say they are indicating [[anti-Semitism]]: A neocon is a Jewish intellectual you disagree with.}}

==Neoconservative policies==

==Neoconservative policies==

Irving Kristol, the "god-father" and one of the founders of neoconservatism, stated five basic policies of neoconservatism that distinguish it from other "movements" or "persuasions"<ref name="Kristol">{{cite news|title=The Neoconservative Persuasion|publication=The Weekly Standard|date=August 25, 2003|author=Irving Kristol|url=http://www.weeklystandard.com/Utilities/printer_preview.asp?idArticle=3000&R=785F27881|accessdate=2007-03-29}}</ref>. These policies, he claimed, "result in popular Republican presidencies":

Irving Kristol, the "god-father" and one of the founders of neoconservatism, stated five basic policies of neoconservatism that distinguish it from other "movements" or "persuasions" [http://www.weeklystandard.com/Utilities/printer_preview.asp?idArticle=3000&R=785F27881] These policies, he claimed, "result in popular Republican presidencies":

#'''Taxes and Federal Budget''': "Cutting tax rates in order to stimulate steady economic growth. This policy was not invented by neocons, and it was not the particularities of tax cuts that interested them, but rather the steady focus on economic growth."  In Kristol's view, neocons are and should be less concerned about balancing fiscal budgets than traditional conservatives: "One sometimes must shoulder budgetary deficits as the cost (temporary, one hopes) of pursuing economic growth."<ref name="Kristol"/>

#'''Taxes and Federal Budget''': "Cutting tax rates in order to stimulate steady economic growth. This policy was not invented by neocons, and it was not the particularities of tax cuts that interested them, but rather the steady focus on economic growth."  In Kristol's view, neocons are and should be less concerned about balancing fiscal budgets than traditional conservatives: "One sometimes must shoulder budgetary deficits as the cost (temporary, one hopes) of pursuing economic growth."<ref name="Kristol"/>

===Great Depression and World War II===

===Great Depression and World War II===

"New" conservatives initially approached this view from the [[Left-wing politics|political left]]. The forerunners of neoconservatism were often [[liberal]]s or [[socialism|socialists]] who strongly supported the Allied cause in [[World War II]], and who were influenced by the Depression-era ideas of former [[New Deal]]ers, [[trade union]]ists, and [[Trotskyists]], particularly those who followed the political ideas of [[Max Shachtman]]. A number of future neoconservatives, such as [[Jeane Kirkpatrick]], were [[Shachtmanism|Shachtmanites]] in their youth; some were later involved with [[Social Democrats USA]].{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

"New" conservatives initially approached this view from the [[Left-wing politics|political left]]. The forerunners of neoconservatism were often [[liberal]]s or [[socialism|socialists]] who strongly supported the Allied cause in [[World War II]], and who were influenced by the Depression-era ideas of former [[New Deal]]ers, [[trade union]]ists, and [[Trotskyists]], particularly those who followed the political ideas of [[Max Shachtman]]. A number of future neoconservatives, such as [[Jeane Kirkpatrick]], were [[Shachtmanism|Shachtmanites]] in their youth; some were later involved with [[Social Democrats USA]].

Some of the mid-20th century [[New York Intellectuals]] were forebears of neoconservatism. The most notable was literary critic [[Lionel Trilling]], who wrote, "In the United States at this time liberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition." It was this liberal "vital center," a term coined by the historian and liberal theorist [[Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.]], that the neoconservatives would see as threatened by New Left extremism. But the majority of "vital center" liberals remained affiliated with the Democratic Party, retained left-of-center viewpoints, and opposed Republican politicians such as Richard Nixon who first attracted neoconservative support.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

Some of the mid-20th century [[New York Intellectuals]] were forebears of neoconservatism. The most notable was literary critic [[Lionel Trilling]], who wrote, "In the United States at this time liberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition." It was this liberal "vital center," a term coined by the historian and liberal theorist [[Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.]], that the neoconservatives would see as threatened by New Left extremism. But the majority of "vital center" liberals remained affiliated with the Democratic Party, retained left-of-center viewpoints, and opposed Republican politicians such as Richard Nixon who first attracted neoconservative support.

Initially, the neoconservatives were less concerned with foreign policy than with domestic policy. [[Irving Kristol]]'s journal, ''[[The Public Interest]]'', focused on ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended and harmful consequences. [[Norman Podhoretz]]'s magazine ''[[Commentary (magazine)|Commentary]]'', formerly a journal of the liberal left, had more of a cultural focus, criticizing excesses of the movements for black equality and women's rights and the academic left. Throughout the [[1950s]] and early [[1960s]] the early neoconservatives had been socialists or liberals strongly supportive of the [[American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968)|American Civil Rights Movement]], [[racial integration|integration]], and [[Martin Luther King]].<ref name="Nuechterlein_FT"/><ref name="Gerson_PR"/>

Initially, the neoconservatives were less concerned with foreign policy than with domestic policy. [[Irving Kristol]]'s journal, ''[[The Public Interest]]'', focused on ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended and harmful consequences. [[Norman Podhoretz]]'s magazine ''[[Commentary (magazine)|Commentary]]'', formerly a journal of the liberal left, had more of a cultural focus, criticizing excesses of the movements for black equality and women's rights and the academic left. Throughout the [[1950s]] and early [[1960s]] the early neoconservatives had been socialists or liberals strongly supportive of the [[American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968)|American Civil Rights Movement]], [[racial integration|integration]], and [[Martin Luther King]].

Opposition to ''[[Détente]]'' with the Soviet Union and the views of the [[anti-Stalinist left|anti-Soviet]] and [[anti-capitalist]] [[New Left]], which emerged in response to the [[Soviet Union]]'s break with [[Stalinism]] in the 1950s, was one factor that would cause the neoconservatives to split with the "liberal consensus" of the early postwar years.

Opposition to ''[[Détente]]'' with the Soviet Union and the views of the [[anti-Stalinist left|anti-Soviet]] and [[anti-capitalist]] [[New Left]], which emerged in response to the [[Soviet Union]]'s break with [[Stalinism]] in the 1950s, was one factor that would cause the neoconservatives to split with the "liberal consensus" of the early postwar years.

[[Michael Lind]], a self-described former neoconservative, wrote that neoconservatism "originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti-Soviet liberals and social democrats in the tradition of [[Harry Truman|Truman]], [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]], [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]], [[Hubert Humphrey|Humphrey]] and [[Henry M. Jackson|Henry ("Scoop") Jackson]], many of whom preferred to call themselves 'paleoliberals.' When the [[Cold War]] ended, "many 'paleoliberals' drifted back to the Democratic center… Today's neocons are a shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition. Nevertheless, the origins of their ideology on the left are still apparent. The fact that most of the younger neocons were never on the left is irrelevant; they are the intellectual (and, in the case of [[William Kristol]] and [[John Podhoretz]], the literal) heirs of older ex-leftists."<ref name=Lind-2>[http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040223&s=lind Lind 2004]. The particular quotation can be found on [http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040223&c=2&s=lind page 2] of the online version.</ref>

[[Michael Lind]], a self-described former neoconservative, wrote that neoconservatism "originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti-Soviet liberals and social democrats in the tradition of [[Harry Truman|Truman]], [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]], [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]], [[Hubert Humphrey|Humphrey]] and [[Henry M. Jackson|Henry ("Scoop") Jackson]], many of whom preferred to call themselves 'paleoliberals.' When the [[Cold War]] ended, "many 'paleoliberals' drifted back to the Democratic center… Today's neocons are a shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition. Nevertheless, the origins of their ideology on the left are still apparent. The fact that most of the younger neocons were never on the left is irrelevant; they are the intellectual (and, in the case of [[William Kristol]] and [[John Podhoretz]], the literal) heirs of older ex-leftists."<ref name=Lind-2>[http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040223&s=lind Lind 2004]. The particular quotation can be found on [http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040223&c=2&s=lind page 2] of the online version.</ref>

In his semi-autobiographical book, ''Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea'', Irving Kristol cites a number of influences on his own thought, including not only Max Shachtman and [[Leo Strauss]] but also the skeptical liberal literary critic [[Lionel Trilling]]. The influence of Leo Strauss and his disciples on some neoconservatives has generated some controversy.

In his semi-autobiographical book, ''Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea'', Irving Kristol cites a number of influences on his own thought, including not only Max Shachtman and [[Leo Strauss]] but also the skeptical liberal literary critic [[Lionel Trilling]]. The influence of Leo Strauss and his disciples on some neoconservatives has generated some controversy.

===1980s===

===1980s===

{{Wikinews|Vanity Fair editor Craig Unger on the Bush family feud, neoconservatives and the Christian right}}

{{Wikinews|Vanity Fair editor Craig Unger on the Bush family feud, neoconservatives and the Christian right}}

The Bush campaign and the early Bush Administration did not initially appear to exhibit strong support for neoconservative principles.

The Bush campaign and the early Bush Administration did not initially appear to exhibit strong support for neoconservative principles.

As a candidate Bush argued for a restrained foreign policy, stating his opposition to the idea of "[[nation-building]]"<ref>[http://www.thebostonchannel.com/helenthomas/2117601/detail.html Bush Begins Nation Building] WCVB TV, April 16, 2003</ref> and an early foreign policy confrontation with China was handled without the vociferous confrontation suggested by some neoconservative thinkers."<ref>[http://www.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2001/4/6/194726.shtml Vernon 2001].</ref>. Also early in the Administration, some neoconservatives criticized Bush's Administration as insufficiently supportive of the State of [[Israel]], and suggested Bush's foreign policies were not substantially different from those of President Clinton.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=QHJ1ZM3SQVGJTQFIQMFCFF4AVCBQYIV0?xml=/news/2001/06/27/wbush27.xml Bush accused of adopting Clinton policy on Israel] [[The Daily Telegraph]], June 26, 2001</ref>

As a candidate Bush argued for a restrained foreign policy, stating his opposition to the idea of "[[nation-building]]"<ref>[http://www.thebostonchannel.com/helenthomas/2117601/detail.html Bush Begins Nation Building] WCVB TV, April 16, 2003</ref> and an early foreign policy confrontation with China was handled without the vociferous confrontation suggested by some neoconservative thinkers." [http://www.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2001/4/6/194726.shtml Vernon 2001]. Also early in the Administration, some neoconservatives criticized Bush's Administration as insufficiently supportive of the State of [[Israel]], and suggested Bush's foreign policies were not substantially different from those of President Clinton.[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=QHJ1ZM3SQVGJTQFIQMFCFF4AVCBQYIV0?xml=/news/2001/06/27/wbush27.xml]Bush accused of adopting Clinton policy on Israel] [[The Daily Telegraph]], June 26, 2001

But Bush's policies seemed to change dramatically immediately after the [[September 11, 2001 attacks]].

But Bush's policies seemed to change dramatically immediately after the [[September 11, 2001 attacks]].

According to columnist Gerard Baker, "It took, improbably, the arrival of George Bush in the White House and September 11, 2001, to catapult [neoconservatism] into the public consciousness. When Mr Bush cited its most simplified tenet — that the US should seek to promote liberal democracy around the world — as a key case for invading Iraq, neoconservatism was suddenly everywhere. It was, to its many critics, a unified ideology that justified military adventurism, sanctioned torture and promoted aggressive Zionism."<ref>[http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/gerard_baker/article1647410.ece The neocons have been routed] The Times, April 13, 2007</ref>

According to columnist Gerard Baker, "It took, improbably, the arrival of George Bush in the White House and September 11, 2001, to catapult [neoconservatism] into the public consciousness. When Mr Bush cited its most simplified tenet — that the US should seek to promote liberal democracy around the world — as a key case for invading Iraq, neoconservatism was suddenly everywhere. It was, to its many critics, a unified ideology that justified military adventurism, sanctioned torture and promoted aggressive Zionism." [http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/gerard_baker/article1647410.ece] The neocons have been routed] The Times, April 13, 2007

Bush laid out his vision of the future in his State of the Union speech on January 2002 following the [[September 11, 2001 attacks]].

Bush laid out his vision of the future in his State of the Union speech on January 2002 following the [[September 11, 2001 attacks]].

This speech was written by neoconservative David Frum, and the speech named Iraq, Iran and North Korea as members of an "axis of evil" which, he said, "pose a grave and growing danger."<ref>[http://www.observer.com/node/47005 Bush Speechwriter's Revealing Memoir Is Nerd's Revenge] The New York Observer, Jan. 19, 2003</ref>

This speech was written by neoconservative David Frum, and the speech named Iraq, Iran and North Korea as members of an "axis of evil" which, he said, "pose a grave and growing danger."[http://www.observer.com/node/47005] Bush Speechwriter's Revealing Memoir Is Nerd's Revenge] The New York Observer, Jan. 19, 2003

It is also in this speech that Frum and Bush suggest the possibility of preemptive war: "I will not wait on events, while dangers gather.  I will not stand by, as peril draws closer and closer.  The United States of America will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructive weapons."<ref>[http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/01/20020129-11.html The President's State of the Union Speech] Whitehouse Press Release, Jan. 29, 2002</ref>

It is also in this speech that Frum and Bush suggest the possibility of preemptive war: "I will not wait on events, while dangers gather.  I will not stand by, as peril draws closer and closer.  The United States of America will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructive weapons." [http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/01/20020129-11.html] The President's State of the Union Speech] Whitehouse Press Release, Jan. 29, 2002

==="Bush Doctrine"===

==="Bush Doctrine"===

The [[Bush Doctrine]] of preemptive war was explicitely stated in the [[United States National Security Council|National Security Council]] text entitled the ''National Security Strategy of the United States'' published on [[September 20]], [[2002]].

The [[Bush Doctrine]] of preemptive war was explicitely stated in the [[United States National Security Council|National Security Council]] text entitled the ''National Security Strategy of the United States'' published on [[September 20]], [[2002]].

"We must deter and defend against the threat before it is unleashed. ... even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy’s attack. ... The United States will, if necessary, act preemptively."<ref name="NSC">[http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.html ''National Security Strategy of the United States''][[United States National Security Council|National Security Council]], Sept. 20, 2002.</ref>

"We must deter and defend against the threat before it is unleashed. ... even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy’s attack. ... The United States will, if necessary, act preemptively." [http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.html ''National Security Strategy of the United States''][[United States National Security Council|National Security Council]], Sept. 20, 2002.

Policy analysts noted that the [[Bush Doctrine]] as stated in the 2002 NSS document bore a strong resemblance to recommendations originally presented in a controversial Defense Planning Guidance draft written in 1992 by [[Paul Wolfowitz]] under the first Bush administration.<ref>[http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/iraq/etc/cron.html The evolution of the Bush doctrine] PBS Frontline The war behind closed doors, Feb. 20, 2003</ref>

Policy analysts noted that the [[Bush Doctrine]] as stated in the 2002 NSS document bore a strong resemblance to recommendations originally presented in a controversial Defense Planning Guidance draft written in 1992 by [[Paul Wolfowitz]] under the first Bush administration. [http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/iraq/etc/cron.html] The evolution of the Bush doctrine] PBS Frontline The war behind closed doors, Feb. 20, 2003

The Bush Doctrine was greeted with accolades by many neoconservatives.

The Bush Doctrine was greeted with accolades by many neoconservatives.

When asked whether he agreed with the Bush Doctrine, [[Max Boot]] said he did, and that "I think [Bush is] exactly right to say we can’t sit back and wait for the next terrorist strike on Manhattan. We have to go out and stop the terrorists overseas. We have to play the role of the global policeman.... But I also argue that we ought to go further."<ref>[http://www.pbs.org/thinktank/transcript1000.html The Bush Doctrine] PBS Think Tank transcript, July 11, 2002</ref>

When asked whether he agreed with the Bush Doctrine, [[Max Boot]] said he did, and that "I think [Bush is] exactly right to say we can’t sit back and wait for the next terrorist strike on Manhattan. We have to go out and stop the terrorists overseas. We have to play the role of the global policeman.... But I also argue that we ought to go further."[http://www.pbs.org/thinktank/transcript1000.html] The Bush Doctrine] PBS Think Tank transcript, July 11, 2002 Discussing the significance of the Bush Doctrine, neoconservative writer [[William Kristol]] claimed: "The world is a mess. And, I think, it's very much to Bush's credit that he's gotten serious about dealing with it.... The danger is not that we're going to do too much. The danger is that we're going to do too little." [http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/iraq/themes/assess.html] Assessing the Bush Doctrine] PBS Frontline The war behind closed doors, Feb. 20, 2003

Discussing the significance of the Bush Doctrine, neoconservative writer [[William Kristol]] claimed: "The world is a mess. And, I think, it's very much to Bush's credit that he's gotten serious about dealing with it.... The danger is not that we're going to do too much. The danger is that we're going to do too little."<ref>[http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/iraq/themes/assess.html Assessing the Bush Doctrine] PBS Frontline The war behind closed doors, Feb. 20, 2003</ref>

==Supporters in Britain and Ireland==

==Supporters in Britain and Ireland==

==Evolution of neoconservative views==

==Evolution of neoconservative views==

===Usage and general views===

===Usage and general views===

The term has been used before, and its meaning has changed over time. Writing in ''The Contemporary Review'' (London) in 1883, [[Henry Dunckley]] used the term to describe factions within the Conservative Party;  [[James Bryce, 1st Viscount Bryce|James  Bryce]] again uses it in his ''Modern Democracies'' (1921) to describe British political history of the 1880s. The German authoritarians [[Carl Schmitt]], who became professor at the [[University of Berlin]] in 1933, the same year that he entered the Nazi party (NSDAP), and [[Arthur Moeller van den Bruck]] were called "neo-conservatives".<ref>[[Fritz Stern]]: ''Five Germanies I Have Known'' (2006 hc), p.72</ref> In "The Future of Democratic Values" in ''[[Partisan Review]]'', July-August 1943, [[Dwight MacDonald]] complained of "the neo-conservatives of our time [who] reject the propositions on materialism, Human Nature, and Progress." He cited as an example [[Jacques Barzun]], who was "attempting to combine progressive values and conservative concepts."

The term has been used before, and its meaning has changed over time. Writing in ''The Contemporary Review'' (London) in 1883, [[Henry Dunckley]] used the term to describe factions within the Conservative Party;  [[James Bryce, 1st Viscount Bryce|James  Bryce]] again uses it in his ''Modern Democracies'' (1921) to describe British political history of the 1880s. The German authoritarians [[Carl Schmitt]], who became professor at the [[University of Berlin]] in 1933, the same year that he entered the Nazi party (NSDAP), and [[Arthur Moeller van den Bruck]] were called "neo-conservatives". [[Fritz Stern]]: ''Five Germanies I Have Known'' (2006 hc), p.72 In "The Future of Democratic Values" in ''[[Partisan Review]]'', July-August 1943, [[Dwight MacDonald]] complained of "the neo-conservatives of our time [who] reject the propositions on materialism, Human Nature, and Progress." He cited as an example [[Jacques Barzun]], who was "attempting to combine progressive values and conservative concepts."

In the early 1970s, [[socialist]] [[Michael Harrington]] prominently used the term in a manner similar to the modern meaning. He characterized neoconservatives as former leftists -- whom he derided as "socialists for [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]]" -- who had moved significantly to the right. These people tended to remain supporters of [[social democracy]], but distinguished themselves by allying with the Nixon administration over foreign policy, especially by their support for the [[Vietnam War]] and opposition to the [[Soviet Union]]. They still supported the "[[welfare state]]," but not necessarily in its contemporary form.

In the early 1970s, [[socialist]] [[Michael Harrington]] prominently used the term in a manner similar to the modern meaning. He characterized neoconservatives as former leftists -- whom he derided as "socialists for [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]]" -- who had moved significantly to the right. These people tended to remain supporters of [[social democracy]], but distinguished themselves by allying with the Nixon administration over foreign policy, especially by their support for the [[Vietnam War]] and opposition to the [[Soviet Union]]. They still supported the "[[welfare state]]," but not necessarily in its contemporary form.

[[Irving Kristol]] remarked that a neoconservative is a "liberal mugged by reality," one who became more conservative after seeing the results of liberal policies.  

[[Irving Kristol]] remarked that a neoconservative is a "liberal mugged by reality," one who became more conservative after seeing the results of liberal policies.  

Kristol also claims three distinctive aspects of neoconservatism from previous forms of conservatism: a forward-looking approach drawn from their liberal heritage, rather than the reactionary and dour approach of previous conservatives; a meliorative outlook, proposing alternate reforms rather than simply attacking social liberal reforms; taking philosophical or ideological ideas very seriously.<ref>[http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0377/is_n121/ai_17489596/pg_5 American conservatism 1945-1995 - Thirtieth Anniversary Issue Public Interest,  Fall, 1995 by Irving Kristol]</ref>

Kristol also claims three distinctive aspects of neoconservatism from previous forms of conservatism: a forward-looking approach drawn from their liberal heritage, rather than the reactionary and dour approach of previous conservatives; a meliorative outlook, proposing alternate reforms rather than simply attacking social liberal reforms; taking philosophical or ideological ideas very seriously. [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0377/is_n121/ai_17489596/pg_5 American conservatism 1945-1995 - Thirtieth Anniversary Issue Public Interest,  Fall, 1995 by Irving Kristol]

Some observers name political philosopher [[Leo Strauss]] as a major intellectual antecedent of neoconservativism, mostly because of his influence on [[Allan Bloom]] and the influence of ''[[Closing of the American Mind]]''.

Some observers name political philosopher [[Leo Strauss]] as a major intellectual antecedent of neoconservativism, mostly because of his influence on [[Allan Bloom]] and the influence of ''[[Closing of the American Mind]]''.

===Neoconservative views on foreign policy===

===Neoconservative views on foreign policy===

The movement began to focus on such foreign issues in the mid-1970s {{Fact|date=February 2007}}. However, it first crystallized in the late 1960s as an effort to combat the radical cultural changes taking place within the United States. Irving Kristol wrote: "If there is any one thing that neoconservatives are unanimous about, it is their dislike of the [[counterculture]]."<ref>Kristol, “What Is a Neoconservative?” 87</ref> Norman Podhoretz agreed: "Revulsion against the counterculture accounted for more converts to neoconservatism than any other single factor."<ref> Podhoretz, 275.</ref> [[Ira Chernus]], a professor at the [[University of Colorado at Boulder|University of Colorado]], argues that the deepest root of the neoconservative movement is its fear that the counterculture would undermine the authority of traditional values and moral norms. Because neoconservatives believe that human nature is innately selfish, they believe that a society with no commonly accepted values based on religion or ancient tradition will end up in a [[war of all against all]]. They also believe that the most important social value is strength, especially the strength to control natural impulses. The only alternative, they assume, is weakness that will let impulses run riot and lead to social chaos.<ref> Chernus, chapter 1</ref>

 

The movement began to focus on such foreign issues in the mid-1970s {{Fact|date=February 2007}}. However, it first crystallized in the late 1960s as an effort to combat the radical cultural changes taking place within the United States. Irving Kristol wrote: "If there is any one thing that neoconservatives are unanimous about, it is their dislike of the [[counterculture]]." (Kristol, “What Is a Neoconservative?” 87) Norman Podhoretz agreed: "Revulsion against the counterculture accounted for more converts to neoconservatism than any other single factor." (Podhoretz, 275.) [[Ira Chernus]], a professor at the [[University of Colorado at Boulder|University of Colorado]], argues that the deepest root of the neoconservative movement is its fear that the counterculture would undermine the authority of traditional values and moral norms. Because neoconservatives believe that human nature is innately selfish, they believe that a society with no commonly accepted values based on religion or ancient tradition will end up in a [[war of all against all]]. They also believe that the most important social value is strength, especially the strength to control natural impulses. The only alternative, they assume, is weakness that will let impulses run riot and lead to social chaos. (Chernus, chapter 1)

According to [[Peter Steinfels]], a historian of the movement, the neoconservatives' "emphasis on foreign affairs emerged after the [[New Left]] and the counterculture had dissolved as convincing foils for neoconservatism... The essential source of their anxiety is not military or geopolitical or to be found overseas at all; it is domestic and cultural and ideological."<ref>Steinfels, 69.</ref> Neoconservative foreign policy parallels their domestic policy. They insist that the U.S. military must be strong enough to control the world, or else the world will descend into chaos.  

According to [[Peter Steinfels]], a historian of the movement, the neoconservatives' "emphasis on foreign affairs emerged after the [[New Left]] and the counterculture had dissolved as convincing foils for neoconservatism... The essential source of their anxiety is not military or geopolitical or to be found overseas at all; it is domestic and cultural and ideological." (Steinfels, 69.) Neoconservative foreign policy parallels their domestic policy. They insist that the U.S. military must be strong enough to control the world, or else the world will descend into chaos.  

Believing that America should "export democracy," that is, spread its ideals of government, economics, and culture abroad, they grew to reject U.S. reliance on international organizations and treaties to accomplish these objectives. Compared to other U.S. conservatives, neoconservatives may be characterized by an [[Idealism (international relations)|idealist]] stance on [[foreign policy]], a lesser [[Conservatism#Social conservatism and tradition|social conservatism]], and a much weaker dedication to a policy of [[minarchism|minimal]] government, and, in the past, a greater acceptance of the welfare state, though none of these qualities are necessarily requisite.

Believing that America should "export democracy," that is, spread its ideals of government, economics, and culture abroad, they grew to reject U.S. reliance on international organizations and treaties to accomplish these objectives. Compared to other U.S. conservatives, neoconservatives may be characterized by an [[Idealism (international relations)|idealist]] stance on [[foreign policy]], a lesser [[Conservatism#Social conservatism and tradition|social conservatism]], and a much weaker dedication to a policy of [[minarchism|minimal]] government, and, in the past, a greater acceptance of the welfare state, though none of these qualities are necessarily requisite.

Some of those identified as neoconservatives refuse to embrace the term. Critics argue that it lacks coherent definition, or that it is coherent only in a [[Cold War]] context.   

Some of those identified as neoconservatives refuse to embrace the term. Critics argue that it lacks coherent definition, or that it is coherent only in a [[Cold War]] context.   

Many writers, such as [[Barry Rubin]], director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Institute, argue that the neoconservative label is used as a pejorative by [[anti-Semites]]: <blockquote></blockquote>"neo-conservative" is a codeword for Jewish. Some{{Who?|date=November 2007}} claim that just as antisemites did with big business moguls in the nineteenth century and [[Communist]] leaders in the twentieth, the term is used to take all those involved in some aspect of public life and single out those who are Jewish, implying that this is a Jewish-led movement conducted not in the interests of all the, in this case, American people, but to the benefit of Jews, and in this case Israel.<ref>Barry Rubin, director of the [[Global Research in International Affairs]] (GLORIA) Institute, Interdisciplinary Center of [[Herzliya]], in a [http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-antisemitism&month=0304&week=&msg=4zdiWX1EuCVzeRLDdQySKA&user=&pw= letter from Washington for Sunday, April 6, 2003]</ref>

Many writers, such as [[Barry Rubin]], director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Institute, argue that the neoconservative label is used as a pejorative by [[anti-Semites]]: <blockquote></blockquote>"neo-conservative" is a codeword for Jewish. Some{{Who?|date=November 2007}} claim that just as antisemites did with big business moguls in the nineteenth century and [[Communist]] leaders in the twentieth, the term is used to take all those involved in some aspect of public life and single out those who are Jewish, implying that this is a Jewish-led movement conducted not in the interests of all the, in this case, American people, but to the benefit of Jews, and in this case Israel. Barry Rubin, director of the [[Global Research in International Affairs]] (GLORIA) Institute, Interdisciplinary Center of [[Herzliya]], in a [http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-antisemitism&month=0304&week=&msg=4zdiWX1EuCVzeRLDdQySKA&user=&pw= letter from Washington for Sunday, April 6, 2003]  

Critics of Rubin's position might argue that because neoconservatives aren't necessarily Jewish, this criticism is not valid. As with the contested concept of the "[[New Anti-Semitism]]", these critics claim that it is anti-Semitic to identify support for Israel with the Jewish people. For example, according to [[Norman Finkelstein]], it would be anti-Semitic "both to identify and not to identify Israel with Jews."<ref name=Finkelstein82>[[Norman Finkelstein|Finkelstein, Norman]]. ''Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History'', University of California Press, 2005, p. 82.</ref>

Critics of Rubin's position might argue that because neoconservatives aren't necessarily Jewish, this criticism is not valid. As with the contested concept of the "[[New Anti-Semitism]]", these critics claim that it is anti-Semitic to identify support for Israel with the Jewish people. For example, according to [[Norman Finkelstein]], it would be anti-Semitic "both to identify and not to identify Israel with Jews." [[Norman Finkelstein|Finkelstein, Norman]]. ''Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History'', University of California Press, 2005, p. 82.

The fact that the use of the term "neoconservative" has rapidly risen since the [[2003 Iraq War]] is cited by some conservatives as proof that the term is largely irrelevant in the long term. [[David Horowitz (conservative writer)|David Horowitz]], a conservative author, offered this critique in a recent interview with an Italian newspaper:

The fact that the use of the term "neoconservative" has rapidly risen since the [[2003 Iraq War]] is cited by some conservatives as proof that the term is largely irrelevant in the long term. [[David Horowitz (conservative writer)|David Horowitz]], a conservative author, offered this critique in a recent interview with an Italian newspaper:

[[Jonah Goldberg]] and others have rejected the label as trite and over-used, arguing "There's nothing 'neo' about me: I was never anything other than conservative." Other critics have similarly argued the term has been rendered meaningless through excessive and inconsistent use. For example, [[Dick Cheney]] and [[Donald Rumsfeld]] are often identified as leading "neoconservatives" despite the fact that both men have ostensibly been life-long conservative Republicans (though Cheney has been vocally supportive of the ideas of [[Irving Kristol]]). Such critics thus largely reject the claim that there is a neoconservative movement separate from traditional American conservatism.

[[Jonah Goldberg]] and others have rejected the label as trite and over-used, arguing "There's nothing 'neo' about me: I was never anything other than conservative." Other critics have similarly argued the term has been rendered meaningless through excessive and inconsistent use. For example, [[Dick Cheney]] and [[Donald Rumsfeld]] are often identified as leading "neoconservatives" despite the fact that both men have ostensibly been life-long conservative Republicans (though Cheney has been vocally supportive of the ideas of [[Irving Kristol]]). Such critics thus largely reject the claim that there is a neoconservative movement separate from traditional American conservatism.

Other traditional conservatives are likewise skeptical of the contemporary usage of the term, and may dislike being associated with the stereotypes, or even the supposed agendas of neoconservatism. Conservative columnist [[David Harsanyi]] wrote, "These days, it seems that even temperate support for military action against dictators and terrorists qualifies you a neocon."<ref>[http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=2332 FrontPageMagazine.com August 13, 2002]</ref>

Other traditional conservatives are likewise skeptical of the contemporary usage of the term, and may dislike being associated with the stereotypes, or even the supposed agendas of neoconservatism. Conservative columnist [[David Harsanyi]] wrote, "These days, it seems that even temperate support for military action against dictators and terrorists qualifies you a neocon." [http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=2332 FrontPageMagazine.com August 13, 2002]

==Criticism==

==Criticism==

The term is frequently used [[pejoratively]] by self-described [[paleoconservatism|paleoconservatives]], [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrats]], and by [[libertarian]]s of both left and right.

The term is frequently used [[pejoratively]] by self-described [[paleoconservatism|paleoconservatives]], [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrats]], and by [[libertarian]]s of both left and right.

Critics take issue with neoconservatives' support for aggressive foreign policy; critics from the [[left-wing politics|left]] especially take issue with what they characterize as [[unilateralism]] and lack of concern with international consensus through organizations such as the [[United Nations]].<ref name=Kinsley2>{{cite news|last=Kinsley|first=Michael|authorlink=Michael Kinsley|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A57779-2005Apr15.html|title=The Neocons' Unabashed Reversal|publisher=Washington Post|date=April 17, 2005|page=B07|accessdate=2006-12-25}} Kinsley quotes [[Rich Lowry]], whom he describes as "a conservative of the non-neo variety", as criticizing the neoconservatives "messianic vision" and "excessive optimism"; Kinsley contrasts the present-day neoconservative foreign policy to earlier neoconservative [[Jeane Kirkpatrick]]'s "tough-minded pragmatism".</ref><ref>Martin Jacques, [http://politics.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,9115,1448960,00.html "The neocon revolution,"] ''The Guardian'', March 31, 2005. Accessed online 25 December 2006. (Cited for "unilateralism".)</ref><ref>Rodrigue Tremblay, [http://www.mlq.qc.ca/7_pub/cl/tremblay_en.html The Neo-Conservative Agenda: Humanism vs. Imperialism], presented at the Conference at the American Humanist Association annual meeting Las Vegas, May 9, 2004. Accessed online 25 December 2006 on the site of the Mouvement laïque québécois.</ref>  Neoconservatives respond by describing their shared view as a belief that national security is best attained by promoting freedom and democracy abroad through the support of pro-democracy movements, foreign aid and in certain cases military intervention. This is a departure from the traditional conservative tendency to support friendly regimes in matters of trade and anti-communism even at the expense of undermining existing democratic systems. Author [[Paul Berman]] in his book ''Terror and Liberalism'' describes it as, "Freedom for others means safety for ourselves. Let us be for freedom for others."

Critics take issue with neoconservatives' support for aggressive foreign policy; critics from the [[left-wing politics|left]] especially take issue with what they characterize as [[unilateralism]] and lack of concern with international consensus through organizations such as the [[United Nations]].[http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A57779-2005Apr15.html]| Kinsley quotes [[Rich Lowry]], whom he describes as "a conservative of the non-neo variety", as criticizing the neoconservatives "messianic vision" and "excessive optimism"; Kinsley contrasts the present-day neoconservative foreign policy to earlier neoconservative [[Jeane Kirkpatrick]]'s "tough-minded pragmatism".</ref><ref>Martin Jacques, [http://politics.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,9115,1448960,00.html]"The neocon revolution,"] ''The Guardian'', March 31, 2005. Accessed online 25 December 2006. (Cited for "unilateralism".) Rodrigue Tremblay, [http://www.mlq.qc.ca/7_pub/cl/tremblay_en.html] The Neo-Conservative Agenda: Humanism vs. Imperialism], presented at the Conference at the American Humanist Association annual meeting Las Vegas, May 9, 2004. Accessed online 25 December 2006 on the site of the Mouvement laïque québécois. Neoconservatives respond by describing their shared view as a belief that national security is best attained by promoting freedom and democracy abroad through the support of pro-democracy movements, foreign aid and in certain cases military intervention. This is a departure from the traditional conservative tendency to support friendly regimes in matters of trade and anti-communism even at the expense of undermining existing democratic systems. Author [[Paul Berman]] in his book ''Terror and Liberalism'' describes it as, "Freedom for others means safety for ourselves. Let us be for freedom for others."

===Jacobinism, Bolshevism===

===Jacobinism, Bolshevism===

===Friction with paleoconservatism===

===Friction with paleoconservatism===

Disputes over Israel and public policy contributed to a sharp conflict with "[[paleoconservatives]]," starting in the 1980s. The movement's name ("old conservative") was taken as a rebuke to the "neo" side. The "paleocons" view the neoconservatives as "militarist social democrats" and interlopers who deviate from traditional conservatism agenda on issues as diverse as [[federalism]], [[immigration]], [[foreign policy]], the [[welfare state]], [[abortion]], [[feminism]] and [[homosexuality]]. All of this leads to a debate over what counts as conservatism.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

Disputes over Israel and public policy contributed to a sharp conflict with "[[paleoconservatives]]," starting in the 1980s. The movement's name ("old conservative") was taken as a rebuke to the "neo" side. The "paleocons" view the neoconservatives as "militarist social democrats" and interlopers who deviate from traditional conservatism agenda on issues as diverse as [[federalism]], [[immigration]], [[foreign policy]], the [[welfare state]], [[abortion]], [[feminism]] and [[homosexuality]]. All of this leads to a debate over what counts as conservatism.

The paleoconservatives argue that neoconservatives are an illegitimate addition to the conservative movement. [[Pat Buchanan]] calls neoconservatism "a globalist, interventionist, open borders ideology."<ref>[http://www.usnews.com/usnews/culture/articles/030113/13empire.htm Tolson 2003].</ref> The open rift is often traced back to a 1981 dispute over Ronald Reagan's nomination of [[Mel Bradford]], a Southerner, to run the [[National Endowment for the Humanities]]. Bradford withdrew after neoconservatives complained that he had criticized [[Abraham Lincoln]]; the paleoconservatives supported Bradford.

The paleoconservatives argue that neoconservatives are an illegitimate addition to the conservative movement. [[Pat Buchanan]] calls neoconservatism "a globalist, interventionist, open borders ideology."[http://www.usnews.com/usnews/culture/articles/030113/13empire.htm] Tolson 2003]. The open rift is often traced back to a 1981 dispute over Ronald Reagan's nomination of [[Mel Bradford]], a Southerner, to run the [[National Endowment for the Humanities]]. Bradford withdrew after neoconservatives complained that he had criticized [[Abraham Lincoln]]; the paleoconservatives supported Bradford.

===Criticism in popular culture===

===Criticism in popular culture===

==See also==

==See also==

 

*[[City College of New York]]

*[[City College of New York]]

*[[Clash of Civilizations]]

*[[Clash of Civilizations]]

*[[Roots of neoconservativism]]

*[[Roots of neoconservativism]]

*[[Trotskyism]]

*[[Trotskyism]]

==External links==

==External links==

==Notes==

==References==

* Lawrence Auster, [http://www.frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=12650 Buchanan's White Whale], FrontPageMag, March 19, 2004. Accessed online 16 September 2006.

* Lawrence Auster, [http://www.frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=12650 Buchanan's White Whale], FrontPageMag, March 19, 2004. Accessed online 16 September 2006.

*Joyce Battle, ed., [http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82/ Shaking Hands with Saddam Hussein: The U.S. Tilts toward Iraq, 1980-1984], [[National Security Archive]] Electronic Briefing Book No. 82 February 25, 2003. Accessed online 16 September 2006.

*Joyce Battle, ed., [http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82/ Shaking Hands with Saddam Hussein: The U.S. Tilts toward Iraq, 1980-1984], [[National Security Archive]] Electronic Briefing Book No. 82 February 25, 2003. Accessed online 16 September 2006.

* [http://zfacts.com/p/236.html Francis Fukuyama, ''After Neoconservatism''] - archived copy of original New York Times article. Links to a [http://zfacts.com/metaPage/lib/Fukuyama-2006-After-Neoconservatism.pdf PDF of the article from the NYT website].

* [http://zfacts.com/p/236.html Francis Fukuyama, ''After Neoconservatism''] - archived copy of original New York Times article. Links to a [http://zfacts.com/metaPage/lib/Fukuyama-2006-After-Neoconservatism.pdf PDF of the article from the NYT website].

* International Relations Center's [http://rightweb.irc-online.org/index.php RightWeb] - critical analysis and biographies of important neoconservatives.

* International Relations Center's [http://rightweb.irc-online.org/index.php RightWeb] - critical analysis and biographies of important neoconservatives.

* Alexander S. Peak. ''[http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/peak1.html Conservative Socialism]''. A [[libertarian]] critique of neoconservatism, likening it to [[socialism]]. [[LewRockwell.com]]

* Alexander S. Peak. ''[http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/peak1.html Conservative Socialism]''. A [[libertarian]] critique of neoconservatism, likening it to [[socialism]]. [[LewRockwell.com]]